Posts Tagged ‘Helen Pluckrose’

A Devastating Critique of the Attack on Objective History from Literary Theory and Postmodernism

November 26, 2023

Keith Windschuttle, The Killing of History: How Literary Critics and Social Theorists Are Murdering Our Past (Simon & Schuster: 1996)

Literary Theory and its Attack on Historical Objectivity

This is another book I’ve just finished reading, and it’s been fascinating. Windschuttle was a lecturer in history, social policy and media studies at the University of New South Wales, among other Ozzie institutions. Although it was published in the 1990s, many of the issues Windschuttle attacks are still present in our universities in Britain, America, Australia and New Zealand. When I was doing my MA in history at UWE in the first decade of this century, Postmodernism, one of the ideologies attacked in this book, was already passe. But the central ideas of Postmodernism and its cousins are still very much present. The notion that modern science is really only a western form on knowledge no better than other, non-Western forms, and is somehow oppressive to indigenous people, and does not present any objective knowledge about the world. The doctrine that indigenous peoples have their own, radically different form of rationality which we cannot understand nor criticise. And that traditional history can never present objective truth about the past, and so most be regarded as fiction, ‘although this does not mean it is fantasy’. And that far from being humane and progressive, modern society’s treatment of prisoners and the mentally ill is worse than it was in the Middle Ages.

The usual leading thinkers of French literary theory, postmodernism and now Critical Theory are here: de Saussure, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, as well as the philosophers of science Thomas Kuhn, Karl Popper and Lakatos. Windschuttle demonstrates in the book that not only are they wrong on the theoretical level, but that their theories and attitudes have resulted in an appallingly bad history and have caused immense harm to the historical profession as a whole. Universities across Australia and the rest of the English-speaking world are laying off historians and the number of students taking history has gone down radically. Some of this is due to other factors – I’d say that now one of them was the government’s insistence that schoolchildren study STEM subjects rather than the humanities – but much of this, in Winschuttle’s view, has been due to the impact of these radical ideologies and the push to incorporate them into history from literary criticism. This is radically altering the nature of history itself, and destroying the idea of historical objectivity.

The Roots of Radical Scepticism in Heidegger and Nietzsche

Structuralism and Poststructuralism are two of these ideologies that emerged from literary criticism and linguistic theory. In short, these theories consider that human experience is constructed by language and culture, and so do not represent objective reality about the external world. The Postmodernists were particularly influenced by Heidegger, a university philosopher who supported the Nazis and their coordination of the German universities, and who continued to support the ‘truth’ of the Nazi regime even after the fall of the Third Reich; and Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche proclaimed the death of God and the absence of any objective values or knowledge of the real world. This was a chaos outside our comprehension and language was unable to give any kind of objective picture of it. The result of this is a radical scepticism towards any claims towards objective truth and those disciplines that make and rely on such claims, such as science and history. Indeed, he cites the radical British sociologist Anthony Giddens as stating that neither sociology nor history now represent objective knowledge about society and human affairs, but should be merged together in a new academic discipline. Heidegger’s continued support for the Nazi regime acutely embarrassed some of the Postmodernists and radical literary theorists, but despite this setback, they still carried on.

Cortes and the Conquest of the Aztec Empire

After discussing these ideologies, Windschuttle goes to show how these theories have led to some bad, and sometimes appallingly terrible, historical writing, beginning with the Aztecs. The argument made by the literary theorists is that the Aztec Empire fell because they were so locked into their culture and its view of the world, that they could not adapt to the new tactics and weaponry used against them by the Spanish conquistadors. Against this are the arguments of empirical historians: the Aztecs fell because Montezuma was vacillating and indecisive; Hernan Cortez and the Spanish possessed superior military technology against the Neolithic weaponry of the Aztecs; the subject peoples of the Empire were sick to their back teeth of Aztec oppression. The Aztecs could inspire fear, but not loyalty. And hence the other nations were willing to ally themselves with the conquistadors. Their hatred ran to genocidal levels, with Cortes told by his Amerindian allies that he should exterminate them all, right down to children and the elderly. When massacres of the Aztecs occurred, they were frequently carried out not by the conquistadors by their indigenous allies.

The book shows clearly that, although the Spanish employed tactics, such as siege warfare, that had been unknown in the New World, the Aztecs quickly recognised and adapted to them. They also knew very well that the new, White-skinned incomers and their horses were not gods. It also discusses the horrors of Aztec human sacrifice, which included cannibalism. Children, as well as warriors, were killed. In one four-day ceremony about 20,000 people were slaughtered, although the original Spanish estimate was 80,000. And the sacrifices had a Hannibal Lecter dimension of horror to them. After killing and beheading their victims were flayed and the priests wore their skins. In one of the ceremonies in November the sacrifice was a woman, whose skin was worn by a naked male priest. This is Ed Gein and The Silence of the Lambs’ Buffalo Bill on an institutional level. The book also points out that relatively few people were actually killed by the Spanish themselves. What annihilated the Amerindian population was the smallpox which entered their country thanks to a sick emissary from the governor of Cuba, who wanted to know what Cortes was doing in Mexico. The indigenous peoples had no immunity to the disease, and so died in their millions. Windschuttle is scathing of attempts to normalise or present a sympathetic view of Aztec human sacrifice by comparing it to the Roman Catholic mass, in which the bread and wine of Holy Communion are mystically transformed into Christ’s flesh and blood. He also states that if these writers had any genuine sympathy for Mexico’s indigenous peoples, it should be not with the brutal Aztecs themselves, but with the subject peoples they oppressed.

The Death of Cook on Hawaii

There’s a similar controversy over the death of Captain Cook in Hawaii. When Cook first landed, he was welcomed and went through a ceremony in which he was robed in red cloth. It was therefore claimed that this marked his recognition by the Hawaiians as an incarnation of the god Lono, who represented sports, peace and fertility. When he was forced to return to escape a storm, the mood had changed. They were insolent and became aggressive when Cook tried to arrest their chief to hold hostage for the return of a boat that had been stolen. This led to a battle in which Cook and a number of marines were killed. Cook’s body was taken back to the Hawaiian temple, where it was dismembered and his bones subsequently used in religious ceremonies. This is supposed to have been done in accordance with the Hawaiian religion. Cook had supposedly arrived during the Mahakiki festival for the god Lono. When he returned, it was the season of Ku, the god of war, and Cook was duly sacrificed accordingly.

Against this is the theory of the Sri Lankan anthropologist Gananath Obeyesekere, that the Hawaiians knew very well Cook was no god. He didn’t speak their language and knew nothing of their culture or religion. And many of the events were the actual reverse of the conflict between Lono and the Hawaiian chief in their religion. Cook was most probably invested as a chief, not a god. The Hawaiians were still friendly to him after he returned, and the elderly chief went quietly with him as a hostage. What changed the mood was a skirmish elsewhere between the Hawaiians and the British, during which some warriors were killed. The chief’s wife was filled with fear and ran to help her husband. Rather than this being the re-enactment of a mythical conflict, Cook was killed because his wife and warriors were afraid that the old chief would be maltreated and killed by the British.

There is a similar discussion of Captain Wallis’ contact with the Tahitians nearly thirty years earlier. Wallis was met with a very hostile reception during which his ship and men were pelted with stones to the extent that they retaliated with guns and cannons. However, once again it is claimed that the indigenous peoples weren’t responding to what they regarded as an outside threat, but responding to Wallis as a god from their religion. This god would have demanded human sacrifice, and so the Tahitians would have been ‘well satisfied’ with his killing of their friends and relatives. This boggles belief, and commonsense says very clearly that the Tahitians were no different to anybody else, and so would definitely have not regarded Wallis as a god, nor been pleased to see their people killed. But the response to Obeyesekere from the proposers of these views is that, despite being Sri Lankan, he has been captured by western imperial and colonial ideology and does not understand how non-western peoples think. Which comes across the me as sheer hubris.

Paul Carter’s Spatial History, Convict Literature and Indigenous Australian History

The Aussie writer Paul Carter also gets it for a book he wrote about the country’s convicts and aboriginal people. Carter wanted to write a new kind of history, one that would be open-ended as the events were experienced by the people themselves, rather than as it is traditionally written where the ending is already known. It was hailed as a classic by novelists and literary critics, winning the Victoria President’s award for literature in any genre. It also made some glaring, howling mistakes. First of all, he claimed that the settlers only stopped and settled down as brief pause before moving on again. But this can hardly be true of people, who were the younger children of the British aristocracy, who built mansions more impressive than some of their relatives back home, and who spent years clearing the land to raise livestock and crops.

He also claims that the voices of the convicts are lost to us, and we can only reconstruct their story from the accounts of the officials and warders guarding them. But Windschuttle goes on to show that the opposite is very much the case. There was an acute skills shortage in Oz, which saw convicts performing very middle class jobs as bank clerks, lawyers and other professionals. They weren’t all illiterate bogans. Many of them were transported for political crimes, such as British trade unionists and Irish nationalists. These men were also literate. The cons wrote poetry, plays and novels. The first novel published in Australia in 1830 was written by a convict. One of them also wrote a critique of the prison system in which he had served. One historian collected an anthology of convict writing in the 1950s and it’s been in print since it was published in 1958. There’s also abundant evidence from the British and Australian trial and prison records, which recorded their testimony verbatim. So much so that historians can’t get through it all. And there are more Ph.Ds, lectureships and chairs awarded in convict studies than in any other subject Down Under. Literary types may have been impressed, but historians were devastating in their remarks. With all this information about Australians convicts around, why didn’t Carter just walk into his local library or branch of the Ozzie version of Waterstone’s?

He gets worse when it comes to indigenous Australians. They’re absolutely unknowable and so outside western ability to capture their historical presence. Indeed, he says that it could be possible to write a book about their history without mentioning them at all. But people have written excellent books about them. The first was C.D. Rowley’s ’70s book, which revealed the extent of the persistent genocide against them. This has been succeeded by other writers, who have included the voices and art of aboriginal people themselves. But Carter sneers at these works, because they have been written according to the conventions of western narrative history, and so are imperialist, colonialist etc. Again, you’re astonished at his hubris and sheer arrogance.

Michel Foucault, Power, Prisons and Lunatic Asylums

Then comes Michel Foucault and his books on prisons and mental institutions. Foucault was part of the radical prisoners’ movement in the 1970s, and wanted to show in his book that modern prisons and mental institutions in their way were more intolerant and brutal than those of the Middle Ages. Foucault has been highly influential, not least because he spoke directly to university students. They didn’t have to do anything really radical like joining a protest march or trade union. No, they could just talk about the injustice of it all at university. He also believed that oppression came not from the centre, as in Marxism, but from the periphery, from the people and officials actually involved in administering the system. As such he provided an alternative explanation for social injustice contrary to that of Marx, who was already being abandoned by many on the New Left. He also believed that knowledge wasn’t accumulated, but that there were various stages of history he called epistemes which were completely separate from each other, although he had to admit that some institutions, attitudes and doctrines, such as those of the church, continued across epistemes. This rightly comes in for criticism, as does his contention that the modern treatment of prisoners and the mad is no more humane than the barbarities perpetuated in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period. Central to Foucault’s thinking is the idea that prisons and lunatic asylums were instruments of oppression built by regimes and their rulers to incarcerate the undesirables who challenged their rule and system. But as Windschuttle shows, Foucault alwo too makes glaring errors of fact. The treatment of prisoners and the insane in mental hospitals is definitely more humane than it ever was in previous centuries, and if the mad had greater freedom in the Middle Ages, it was the result of society being much more hierarchical. This allowed them to roam the country and enjoy personal freedom without incarceration, but only because they were at the bottom of the social pile. It does not mean they were more respected, as Foucault claims, or better treated. And the ships of fools that supposedly carried them up and down the Rhine in search of their lost reason may be entirely mythical.

Anti-Science Scepticism and the attack on Historical Objectivity

Kuhn, Popper and Lakatos are attacked for undermining scientific rationality and the efficacy of the scientific method in favour of a form of social constructivism. Scientific truth is supposedly defined by the attitudes of the scientific community, rather than whether they actually describe an objective reality. Kuhn’s ideas that scientific progress comes in a series of paradigm shifts, as theories are replaced by different theories, which may not initially provide much of a better explanation, as laid down in his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, is compared with Foucault’s notion of epistemes, though Foucault himself was moving away from this idea as his thinking progressed. These theories are duly criticised, not least because science clearly has advanced and for a theory to be accepted at all, it must correspond at some level to reality. This concentration on the philosophy of science is rather odd in a book about history. It’s a separate, but related issue. But Windschuttle tackles it because he believes that history straddles the humanities and the sciences, and proper empirical history, done in archives, has something of the scientific endeavour. It is also similar to some of the natural sciences like evolutionary biology and geology, as discussed by Philip Jay Gould, the late palaeontologist and rival of Richard Dawkins. Historians have their own views, are frequently mistaken and engaged in arguments with their colleagues, but their writings must correspond to fact, even if their interpretations of those facts differ. And facts are important: history isn’t just about interpretation, as some of the literary theory crowd claim. Historians also find that despite their initial ideas about where their research will lead, they find that quite often it takes them in a different direction and they are forced to modify and alter their opinions. History, like science, is about finding and revealing truth. It is certainly not about fiction.

Cultural Relativism and the Different Rationality of the Non-Western ‘Other’

The final chapter and afterward revisit some of these topics, such as the continuing arguments over the death of Cook. The postmodernist has had the last word, publishing a response to Obeyesekere to which the Sri Lankan anthropologist had not responded. This contains information about the radically different ways some indigenous peoples divide up the world as a demonstration of their different rationality. This includes a Papuan tribe that categorises things according to smell from ‘smelly’ to ‘decaying’. But some of these distinctions are those we also make in the West, such as the Chewa’s separation of wild and domestic ducks. We also distinguish between wild and domesticated animals at the practical level of farming, although we have another level of distinction in their scientific categorisation. And apart from this, these peoples still show the same kind of rationality found in peoples throughout the world, including the West.

It then goes on to attack the cultural relativism, including the demands from aboriginal Australians and the Maori that the evolutionary theories of the origin of humanity taught in schools demean them by ignoring their own origin stories of how they are native to the land. They wished this changed so that their stories are also taught in school as equally valid. This is dangerous. Science is a form of rationality that transcends the West. Although it first arose there, there were elements that could have led to it arising elsewhere in the world and it has been of immense practical benefit to humanity. And if we went back to the various cultural divisions demanded by the postmodernists and their relatives, it would mean a return to the attitudes of hunter-gatherer peoples, in which you can only be a member of the tribe by birth. With contemporary, modern states like Australia, you membership is open to anyone who wants it. There is an especial danger to aboriginal Australians and Maoris if the scientific explanation of their evolutionary descent were replaced by the teaching of their origin myths. It would mean that they didn’t share the common descent of all humans through emigration out of Africa tens of thousands of years ago. They would constitute separate species, and so could be the human rights extended to and enjoyed by the rest of humanity.

The Problems of History from Maori Point of View

The afterword discusses the devastating effects these doctrines have had on history, as well as the fightback from professional historians. As a response to these doctrines, the American Historical Association was founded. This includes historians of all views, from Marxists to Conservatives, all united by a desire to fight the pernicious influence of the literary theorists, postmodernists and the Critical Theory mob as they were emerging. Much of it is also a response to the book’s critics following the publication of the first edition. He also discusses the attempt to present an even-handed history of the discovery of New Zealand from the British and Maori viewpoints. This has maps showing how European states were also at war with each other, just as the various Maori tribes were with each other. It discusses the barbarous punishments and treatment visited upon criminals and others transgressors alongside the brutal practices of the Maori. But this book is also flawed. At the time the Maori had no idea of the radical changes these encounters would mean for them. They were of little apparent importance. The ships, or floating islands filled with goblins, as the Maori saw them, sporadically appeared. Sometimes Brits and Maori fought and killed each other. Sometimes the British landed and offered strange gifts. But then they went away again and life carried on the same. Except that the British knew very well what these encounters meant and the great, calamitous changes that would overcome indigenous New Zealanders. To leave this element of the story out because it wasn’t realised by the Maori omits the disastrous changes which occurred to them and deprives the Maori of the historical knowledge they need to fight back against past injustice.

The Continuation of These Doctrines Today in Critical Theory

Postmodernism may be passe now in history, but its doctrines and attitudes have been taken up and repackaged by the Critical Theory crowd, which is increasingly being taught in universities. The radical scepticism about scientific truth led to the ‘Science Must Fall’ movement c. 2004, which had Black African students in South African universities demanding that science should include their indigenous beliefs. It’s now part of the demands for decolonisation and the inclusion of non-western modes of knowledge in science teaching. The book notes that in 1994 history teaching in American schools was going to replace the standard narrative about the American Revolution and the founding of America, the Civil War and then the movement west with accounts of the oppression of women, ethnic minorities and the disabled and how they were able to challenge and overcome oppression. Only the intervention of a conservative administration prevented this from being enacted. This is history as social activism, which is still very much a demand of the social justice crowd, who reject the idea of history for its own sake as the disinterested pursuit of knowledge. This is something that they claim doesn’t exist, and if you are a traditional historian, you are, whatever your political views, somehow still a supporter of the system of oppression. These doctrines are spreading out from the humanities into science and mathematics as part of a campaign to turn them into vehicles for social activism. And the quality of education is being damaged as a result. James Lindsay, a former mathematician and member of a team of anti-Critical Social Justice academics with the philosopher Peter Bogossian and feminist historian Helen Pluckrose, has shown how much this doctrine is based on the Marxist pedagogy devised by the Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freyre. And the standard response of the literary theory crowd is still present in Critical Race Theory’s doctrine of standpoint criticism. This holds that people’s views are determined by their social position. The literary theorists’ response to any attack on their facts and arguments is not to respond to them, but instead to attack the social status of those advancing them. If the argument comes from someone with a privileged social position, their arguments are ignored or rebutted as self-serving and no more time need be spent on them. Standpoint criticism in Critical Race Theory does exactly the same, although it is specifically directed at Whites, whose attitudes and views are also considered to be attempts to justify their privileged social position regardless of their content.

Intellectual Life – the Other Side of Ozzie Culture

This is a fascinating book. Although it was written nearly thirty years ago, it shows how old these literary theories are and the danger they represented to history, just as they are threatening the wider academy in the form of Critical Social Justice theories. It’s also eye-opening seeing these issues discussed from an Australian, antipodean perspective. For most Brits, at least those of a certain age, the dominant image of Australia is one of the Outback with rugged men and women on the cattle stations and sheep farms making their lives in the immensity of the continent. This includes the ocker redneck culture with hard-drinking men in hats decorated with dangling corks. The caricature Australian satirised by Private Eye in the strip and Bruce Beresford’s film Barry McKenzie. Or else it was the suburban philistinism against which Beresford, Clive James, Germaine Greer and Barry Humphries rebelled when they emerged in Britain in the 60s and 70s. This shows that Australia had a genuine intellectual culture at variance to the national stereotype. And what I found particularly fascinating was how much this culture had been built by the convicts transported there. I wondered if this helped contribute to the optimism that existed at one point in Australia. Skills and labour were desperately needed, and so wages were higher. It really was a land of opportunity, and so many people emigrated because, in Oz, the slogan ‘I bloody can!’ was a reality. At least before the economy developed so that immigration was not needed quite so much.

Conclusion: A Great Introduction to these Ideological Issues and the Debates They Affect

It is also amazing what the book says about the Aztec Empire itself. Its capital, Tenochtitlan, had a population of 200,000 people, nearly three times as much as the largest city in contemporary Spain, Seville, which had 70,000. Apart from its huge temples, it had a vast like divided into islands on which the Aztecs grew their crops, reached by a causeway and with an aquaduct bringing the city’s water supply. It is astonishing how a sophisticated civilisation like the Aztecs could commit the horrendous atrocities they did. I can also remember hearing that the Aztecs were conquered because they believed Cortes and his crew were gods, and that Cook was killed for the same reason. This presents the persuasive counterarguments.

In reading this book, you’ll not just get a grasp of the fundamental doctrines of French literary theory and its successors, and how they threaten genuine history, whether of left or right, but you will also learn something about the historical debates over topics like the Spanish conquest of Mexico, British contact with Hawaii, Tahiti and the Maori and the Australia’s literary heritage from the convicts. As well as the beginning of research into the institutional genocide of indigenous Australians.

JP on Whether Gays Are Abandoning Pride

May 30, 2023

Yesterday I put up a piece wondering if gay Americans and Brits were abandoning Pride and some of the mainstream gay organisations. This followed a video on YouTube of the operations manager of the group Gays Against Groomers angrily tearing apart the gay flag. Gays Against Groomers was set up to combat the gender ideology being taught to children, which they feel is a form of indoctrination and sexual predation. Instead of the Pride flag, the man pointed to the American flag as the banner which represented gays and all Americans.

Barry Wall, the EDIJester, and Clive Simpson and Dennis Kavanagh of the Queens’ Speech podcast, are gender critical gay YouTubers. They are extremely critical of the mainstream organisations for their focus on trans rights to the exclusion of ordinary gay men and women. They also feel that the trans ideology has become a new form of eugenics and gay conversion therapy by encouraging gender nonconforming young people, who in most cases would pass through their dysphoria to grow up to be ordinary gays, to transition, rather than accept their natal sexual identity. And many gays are also saying that they aren’t going to Pride marches because of the overt displays of kink and fetish.

JP, one of the great commenters on this blog, posted his perspective on this issue from across the Pond. He writes

‘Well yea, I haven’t been to a Pride parade in … over a decade. The weekend of events were drunk Allies and naked people walking streets. I imbibe and defend adult’s choosing to go to nude beaches and the like, but when those happen in public … where children are brought by their parents these parades?! Mardi Gras in New Orleans was more tame than Pride in Chicago, and Mardi Gras isn’t tauted as being a posterchild of family-friendly events. Pride events weren’t something to be proud about if the intention is to support family-friendly storytime.

Don’t be too surprised by LGBs in America not all supporting a liberal agenda. So-called Log Cabin gays have been politically active conservatives for decades. It was the Log Cabins who challenged President Clinton in court over his Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy for the US military. The irony with Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell is that “liberals” went along with an anti-liberal policy. It’s another example of how liberal parties do not defend democratic freedoms. It’s good to hear that some LGBs are aware and don’t just fall in-line stereotyped gender and sexuality politics.

The problem for straights in these debates is not seeing similar politicing, like supporting so-called “family values”. Jim Crow laws defended the “family values” of banning interracial marriages in the US. Hopefully today’s straights would not fall in-line with mid-20th century politics about that.’

There’s a gay American writer and blogger, whose name escapes me at the moment, who has stated that as a demographic group, gays are largely Conservative, believe very much in fiscal responsibility and have a strong sense of loyalty to the companies that employ them. He called this ‘the Smithers Syndrome’, after Mr Burns’ intensely loyal secretary from The Simpsons. This is very different from the image of the gay milieu given by radical gay groups, such as the mock order of nuns, the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, who were at the centre of controversy a day or so ago when they were disinvited from appearing with the Dodgers’ sports team.

Related to this, the American chain store Target has been forced to scale down its display of trans clothing. Part of the scandal there is that the clothes were designed by a Satanist, and included messages like ‘Satan Loves You’ and ‘Satan Loves Your Pronouns’. The stores were ordered to take this merchandise to a room a third of the planned display in size. They were afraid the controversial clothing would result in them being on the receiving end of the same kind of boycott that has knocked billions of sales off Bud Light after the brewery made the mistake of choosing transwoman Dylan Mulvaney to promote it.

The Satanism here seems to come from the Church of Satan and the Satanic Temple, neither of which believe in Satan as a real, personal force of supernatural evil. Instead they identify Satan with the promotion of the self and its desires, which they view as liberating. The Satanic Temple has been around for years performing stunts intended to infuriate Conservative Christians. After the community in one American town put up a stone inscribed with the 10 Commandments in front of their courthouse to symbolise justice, they put up a statue of Baphomet. When another American town put up a crib to celebrate Christmas, they put up one with a baby Satan. They come across as a radical atheist/secularist group determined to attack the Christian right and the public promotion of Christianity. I also wonder if the clothing’s Satanism was also partly inspired by the rapper Lil Nas. Nas is gay, and is another pop star who has cultivated a Satanic image. One of his videos has him twerking in front of Lucifer in hell. I did wonder if Target had launched the clothing hoping capture the market offered by young, edgy LGBTQ+ peeps who listen to him and similar pop artists. If so, all they’ve succeeded in doing, it seems to me, is provoke a reaction against the store, especially as it came after the controversy that erupted a few days earlier when it was revealed that several of the speakers at a Satanist convention were trans rights activists. I can understand some of this desire to insult and provoke. It’s a reaction to the splenetic homophobia in sections of the Christian right, though to be fair, the Republican party as a whole seems to have become quite pro-gay and now accept gay marriage.

As for Bill Clinton and his sort-of legalisation of homosexuality in the US armed forces, this was intensely controversial for the Christian right when it was passed. I can remember reading a passage in the book Mind Siege, which is all about the way left-wing ideas are taking over America. This accused Clinton of ‘sodomizing the American military’. This boggled my mind! What! All of them! Where did he get the energy? And what do Hillary and Monica Lewinsky have to say about it? Of course, they then explain that they mean it metaphorically, not literally. It is interesting hearing another perspective on this issue, and I hadn’t known he was challenged about it by the Log Cabin Republicans.

As for the family and family values, I very much believe that the traditional family needs strengthening. The statistics for Britain, like America, show that children from fatherless homes generally perform less well at school, progress as well economically or professionally and are more likely to become criminals, do drugs and engage in promiscuous sex. Of course, this is a general view – there are also any number of single mothers, who have done an excellent job of raising their kids. But I believe that it is possible to do this without promoting homophobia or prejudice or discrimination against gays. I recall that something similar was done a few years ago to a family values group in Yorkshire. This was reformed so that it genuinely worked to strengthen family after they’d kicked out the old guard, who had ‘some funny ideas’ and seemed to have used it as a tool for attacking gay rights.

The EDIJester in one of his videos also sharply criticised one of the trans rights activists, who appears on TickTock. This individual told his audience of young people, that if their families didn’t accept their gender identity, they should cancel them and having nothing more to do with them. The Jester was furious because young gays have been hurt by their parents disowning them, and considered this grossly irresponsible. There were gay organisations in Bristol that worked to help young gays left homeless after being thrown out by their parents. And some of the best stories from gay YouTubers have been about how young gay people were able to keep the love and support of their parents after coming out, or had succeeding in reconciling themselves and their families. Obviously, there should be more of this than victimisation and prejudice.

As for the stifling of civil liberties and freedom of speech, I see this as coming from both the left and the right. In Britain the Conservatives are trying to pass laws severely limiting the freedom to protest and for workers to strike. At the same time, the hate speech laws have been expanded so that they’re severely limiting what may be said in public. Today’s news has included coverage of the case of Kathleen Stock, a lesbian and a gender critical feminist academic. She lost her place at one university due to student protests that branded her transphobic, and there were similar protests when she spoke at the Oxford Union. As a result, Oxford Student Union has cut ties with the Oxford Union. And other academics and ordinary women with similar views have also suffered similar protests and harassment. James Lindsay, who is one of a group of academics alongside Peter Boghossian and Helen Pluckrose, who are particularly active fighting woke ideology, has said that this intolerance is no accident. It comes from the ‘repressive tolerance’ advocated by the ’60s radical philosopher Herbert Marcuse. Roughly translated, it means that freedom of speech should only be extended to those on the radical left, while their critics should be silenced. Lindsay describes himself as a liberal, by which he appears to mean someone who stands up for their traditional liberal values of freedom of speech, individualism and Enlightenment rationality. He is, however, vehemently anti-Communist, though possibly not without reason. Helen Pluckrose also describes herself as a liberal and someone who believes in those values, but also has socialist beliefs. And the other day looking through the internet I found a book by a left-wing author on how the Left can fight woke.

It therefore seems to me that countering the intolerant, extremist ideologies that have been called ‘woke’ – Queer Theory, Critical Race Theory, Postcolonial Theory and so on and the attempts of their supporters to silence reasoned criticism and debate isn’t either a left-wing or right-wing issue. It’s one that concerns people on both sides of the political spectrum, who are concerned about preserving Enlightenment values of free debate, rationality and the individual.

Correct, Not Political Tackle Essex School Indoctrinating Autistic Children with Critical Race Theory

April 21, 2023

This is going to be controversial, and ideally I really wouldn’t reblog a video from this source. Correct, Not Political are what can only be described as a far right outfit. They’re anti-socialist, anti-Communist, anti-trades union, anti-environmentalist and anti-lockdown. They are genuine homophobes who disrupt drag queen story time because of this, rather than the fear that such events are being used to indoctrinate children into queer theory. Although they believe that as well. They hold weird conspiracy theories about the World Economic Forum, Freemasons and Jews and admire Oswald Mosley as if he was some kind of champion of free speech and not the absolute opposite. But this time I think they’re right.

It’s of a phone call made by their man Jim Boobeh to a school, which has called in an outside group to teach their autistic children anti-racism. This looks perfectly reasonable and good at first glance, but looking through the documents the video shows it seems BASE CC, the organisation involved, is teaching children Critical Race Theory. This is divisive, it has racialised the school children who have been exposed to it, and is based in a postmodern revision of Marxism. James Lindsay, who’s one of Peter Boghossian’s group with Helen Pluckrose, has made a number of videos and blog posts tearing this apart. He calls it ‘Race Marxism’, and that’s the title of his new book about it. Lindsay calls himself a liberal, but I think he’s very definitely a man of the right. Pluckrose is a woman of the left, and she also writes pieces for his New Discourses site. Critical Race Theory is not a continuation of Martin Luther King’s doctrine of colour blindness. It explicitly holds that all White people are racist, and one of its founders was an opponent of desegregation in schools. This is clear through his paper included in an anthology of writing on Critical Race Theory edited by one of its founders, Kimberle Crenshaw. Even though it comes from the left, I consider it just as Fascistic as the White supremacist stuff it opposes. I am aware that the Republicans in America are weaponising it against the left, and am informed by one of the great commenters here that one local Republican group lied about it being taught in the local school. Nevertheless, I firmly believe that it is a real attack on genuinely liberal values and proper anti-racism. It is political indoctrination and should not be be taught in schools, except possibly as a topic for discussion and free criticism at sixth form level.

The Polite, University Educated Racism of Novara Media

March 23, 2023

A few days ago I found a video posted on YouTube by Laurence Fox’s Reclaim the Media. This was a short piece of part of a debate he’d had about racism with Ash Sarkar, one of the women of the left-wing internet news and comment channel, Novara Media. This was about whether Whites could experience racism. Sarkar denied that they could, because they enjoyed White privilege. She maintained this stance even when Fox raised the issue of White working class boys, who perform worse academically than Blacks and other ethnic minorities and girls. I’m not surprised Sarkar continued to maintain this view. Novara have posted a couple of videos denying that White working class boys are underprivileged compared to other ethnic groups, and even that the White working class constitutes an ethnic group at all. Sarkar has said very proudly that she’s a communist, particularly when she was exasperated by the attitude of one of the TV hosts interviewing her. But it’s not entirely the Communism of classical Marxism, which saw class as the motor of history and oppression. It’s partly the postmodernist revision of Marxism of Critical Race Theory. This replaces class with race, declaring that Whiteness is a bourgeois quality that ensures that Whites enjoy a privileged position denied to people of colour. This attitude comes partly from the intersectional Marxism of Herbert Marcuse, a member of the Frankfurt School. Frustrated by the failure of the American working class to rise up against capitalist, Marcuse instead urged radicals to look to the ‘people of the ghetto’, groups traditionally confined to the margins of American society. This included Blacks, gays and feminists. CRT denies that Whites can experience racism through a highly contrived redefinition of the term. In their view, racism = prejudice + power. In bourgeois western society, Whites have a power denied to Blacks. Therefore they cannot suffer racism. This is profoundly wrong and in itself deeply racist. It also has highly dangerous implications that may encourage, or at least demand that a blind eye be turned to real racist violence against Whites.

The term ‘privilege’ suggests aristocratic ease, of the type enjoyed by David Cameron. Before he became prime minister, this Eton-educated aristo certainly didn’t have to worry about getting a job. He was actually approached by the Crown to work for it. But the vast majority of White Brits don’t have this privilege, and especially not those at the very bottom of society. One of my old schools had an annex for its first year pupils in a run-down area of Bristol. This was in a grimy back street called Boot Lane, at one end of which was a public toilet frequented by tramps. These were men who enjoyed absolutely no social advantages at all, and their life expectancy was no doubt extremely limited. The life-expectancy of the homeless, I’ve heard, is about three years. Sarkar, by contrast, is middle class and university educated, as is her fellow presenter Dalia Gabreal. Gabreal, who also promotes the nonsense of White privilege, is the co-editor of an anthology of postcolonialist texts. They enjoy a privilege denied to the White underclass, but it’s a privilege that they, imprisoned by Critical Race Theory, cannot acknowledge.

The idea of White privilege also glosses over and ignores the fact that previous generations of working class Whites could be victims of grinding poverty until very recently. Examples of this can be found on YouTube in a series of videos about poverty in Britain in the 1970s. Whether Sarkar, Gebreal and the others of Novara realise it or not, the idea White privilege plays down this poverty, which could be extreme with the bland attitude that however tough it could be for Whites, it’s worse for Blacks. On average, this is true, but not always. While Novara has shown a deep concern for working class poverty and exploitation, the constraints of Critical Race and Postcolonial Theory means that it is unable to recognise or accept the fact of anti-White racism nor that Whites do not uniformly enjoy privilege.

While it comes from the Marxist left, Critical Race Theory’s view that whiteness is intrinsically oppressive is very much of the same type of ideological racism as fascism. This divides society into the race or nation and its oppressors. In the case of the Italian fascists, the true nation was that of Italy and its people. In Nazism it was Germany, and the enemies were the Jews. This binary opposition Noel O’Sullivan, a Conservative historian of fascism, traces back to the new style of political activism that began with the French Revolution. This divided France into the authentic nation of the ‘tiers etat’, the third estate – the common French people, and their oppressors, the aristocracy and clergy. He quotes one French revolutionary who made this very plain, as well as his intention to shoot the country’s noble oppressors. O’Sullivan makes the point that this opposition can be applied to other groups, as demonstrated in the magazine of a radical feminist group, Medusa. This declared that only women were human, and men were an inferior species. Critical Race Theory revises this racism so that the authentic, oppressed nation are Blacks and other people of colour, while the racial oppressors are White.

This attitude is extremely dangerous. The critics of Critical Race Theory and other postmodernist ‘isms’, Peter Boghossian, James Lindsey and Helen Pluckrose, submitted a number of spoof papers making extreme claims to various postmodernist academic journals. One of these incorporated quotes from Mein Kampf, but with ‘Whiteness’ substituted for Jews. This was accepted. There have been a series of controversies over the other side of the Pond in which Black academics have announced on TV programmes or internet meetings that they want Whites to become extinct. And there has been real racial violence against Whites. Thomas Sowell describes a few in his book, Race and Culture, noting that the mainstream media either does not cover them, or if it does, the report is framed so as to exonerate the attackers. They acted as they did as a result of the oppression of White America. Racial violence against Whites isn’t confined to America. Over twenty years ago the number of racist murders of Whites was nearly equal to that of ethnic minorities, and the level of racist abuse and attacks against Whites exceeded those against other demographics. This was covered by the mainstream media until the BNP sought to exploit it. But many Black and ethnic minority activists do not want racism against Whites recognised. At a conference of Black and ethnic minority activists a few years ago, three of them criticised the government for including anti-White racism in official statistics. In their view, only racial abuse and violence against ethnic minorities deserved to be counted. Critical Race Theory’s contrived redefinition of racism does the same: it is intended to deny that Blacks can be racist.

Critical Race Theory is also dangerously defective in its Eurocentricismt It assumes that only White Europeans and their descendants in America and the New World can be racist. It ignores the fact that other cultures have also traditions of racial hierarchies and ingrained prejudice. For example, Muslim Arabs also developed ideas of the inferiority of Black Africans on the one hand and White Europeans on the other. India and China also have their own ideas of racial superiority and inferiority. Western Blacks have also developed a distinct racist ideology in Afrocentrism. There is a series of Afrocentric works promoting the idea of White inferiority in vicious, splenetic terms. At the same time, Black Muslim sects like the Nation of Islam and Ansaaru Allah also hold that Whites are racially inferior oppressors, who are due to be annihilated by God at the coming apocalypse. I’ve also come across British Muslim texts that are explicitly colonialist. One of these argued that just as the British allowed other peoples to enter their colonies and keep their laws and customs as a way of populating their territories in North America, so Muslims should be allowed to form autonomous communities in America and Europe. These forms of Black and extra-European racism are largely unknown to most western people, and there is real opposition to discussing them. The Labour politician, Diane Abbott, has said several times that discussing the different forms of racism amongst ethnic minorities would allow ‘them’ to ‘divide and rule’. But these tensions between different ethnic groups in Britain outside the Black/White dichotomy exist and have led to riots. A few months ago, there was rioting in the north of England between Muslims and Hindus. The acceptance of the idea that only Whites can be racist among liberal Whites has also been assisted by the idea of the Noble Savage. This goes back to the 17th century, and views primitive, non-European societies as somehow nobler and more virtuous than western civilisation. It is also a product of the tradition of European and indigenous opposition to imperialism. This concentrates on the horrors of western imperialism but similarly ignores those of other imperialist regimes, such as the Ottoman Empire. The refusal to accept that other peoples are also capable of terrible racism, and the idea that only White racism is to be tackled, led to the police and authorities turning a blind eye for twenty years to the Pakistani grooming gangs.

I find the denial of anti-White racism, and the bitter racism of some Black activists deeply worrying. Because Critical Race Theory declares that all Whites enjoy such privilege and that the level of racism in society remains constant, it comes very close to the old accusation that all Whites are racist. While I doubt very much that it’s supporters would see it as such, it is very close to racial essentialism of the type that causes anti-Semites as intrinsically hostile to Whites. I am very much afraid that this will encourage anti-White attacks and pogroms, but there will be no action taken or condemnation of these because of the racial attitudes promoted by CRT. Sarkar, Gebreal and the rest of Novara doubtless believe that they are sincerely anti-racist and they probably are so in their personal relationship with Whites. But they, along with numberless others of the same views, hold a twisted redefinition of racism that legitimises racism and violence against Whites, while denying that this is possible at all.

Open Letter by Brown American Professionals Denouncing Robin Di Angelo’s Racism

November 2, 2022

James Lindsay is, with Peter Boghossian and Helen Pluckrose, one of the most determined and fiercest critics of the new postmodern doctrines of Critical Race Theory, Postcolonial Theory, Queer Studies and so on. These promise tolerance and liberation from prejudice, but, in reality, they just create further hate and discrimination. Critical Race Theory does this by defining Whiteness as a bourgeois property that gives White people privilege and automatically makes them oppressors, even if they are personally non-racist. Two years ago, on June 20, 2020, Lindsay posted this on his YouTube channel. It’s an open letter by Brown American professional people criticising Robin di Angelo for her anti-White racism in such books as White Fragility. It attacks her for poisoning people’s, especially children’s, minds by making them obsess about race and thinking about how people are complicit in a racist system. They state that America wasn’t built by White, or any particular people, but by people of all colours and walks of life striving for happiness, community, freedom and a better world. They state that they are not going to shut up while everything their ancestors worked for is torn down by a woman who can’t handle her own racism or by the White children who have been bamboozled by it. They don’t sign their names, but simply say that they are Brown professionals who worked their way up in a free country. They aren’t going to give their names, because of what would happen if they did.

This is one of the peculiar turns of events that has occurred in the controversy over Black Lives Matter and Critical Race Theory. There are now Black intellectuals, activists and YouTubers defending Whites against their demonisation by Critical Race Theory. Many of them are conservatives, like Candace Owens and Amala Ekpunobi. Owen’s posted a video a few days ago claiming that she was thanked when in the southern US by a White woman with tears in her eyes. Others are ordinary Blacks who feel that the anti-White racist rhetoric is not only racist but diverting attention away from the real problems in the Black community caused by Blacks themselves. And these Black activists and commenters complain about the racial hatred and abuse they receive, with people calling them ‘Uncle Toms’ and other slurs I can’t use. And while I suspect that Lindsey is a man of the right, Helen Pluckrose is a woman of the left. She also had a piece published on Linsey’s site stating that the struggle against CRT and the other postmodern ideologies weren’t a case of either left or right but should concern everyone who supports rational argument based on evidence, individuality and freedom of speech, the key values of western civilisation introduced by the Enlightenment.

The letter runs:

‘To Robin DiAngelo:

We address you specifically, not because you act alone, but because you stand now as a figurehead of a movement, a representative of a particular school of thought—one among a few others, to be sure. We want to say we recognize that you are racist, and we’re ready to forgive you for it.

You proudly proclaim your racism in your writings, as so often racists do. We have read your work and can see the racism dripping from every page. We think you might be right, though. Maybe it wasn’t your fault. Maybe you were “socialized” into it. That’s not true of all of us, though, and saying so isn’t fair, and it isn’t right.

We understand the impact your work is having. You would turn us against each other by teaching us to see how we’re all “complicit” in a “system” of racism. You would have our children become obsessed with racism and poisoned with it. You do this so that you will not feel so alone. And for this crime against us and our children, we would like to sit down and have a word with you.

Many of our children have been led astray, taught to obsess over race, to attempt to see it all around them in every interaction and every object around them. This has only happened in recent years under the “educational” direction of “anti-racism” advocates such as yourself. We’re terrified. Those who have fully embraced this poison may be lost, possibly forever. They’re our children, and they’re already turning on us. Imagine for a moment how that must feel for every parent, every sibling experiencing this right now.

We write this in the pale hope of saving them, not to save you, and to stand in true solidarity with one voice—brown, white, and even black—to deliver a very simple message to you.

You are wrong.

The United States of America was not built for white people, and it most certainly was not built by white people, as you, yourself, seem to know so very well. But it was also not built by people of African descent, or Latino, or Asian, or by men, or women. The United States of America, was built by all of us. All of us striving as best we could for a common dream that seemed impossible to achieve, as our founders, whose memories are being trashed for it now under tutelage like yours, fought valiantly to bring about. The United States of America was built so that all people could live free; so that every individual could strive for happiness, community, freedom, and a better world for their own children.

This American journey was built brick by brick, law by law, for hundreds of years in this country, and it was built even over thousands of years long before any such country existed. It is deeply rooted in the history of all peoples, as we made mistakes, survived hardships, and tried to answer the questions of how we could best live. And from this history, these mistakes, these hardships, and these answers, we learned. From this knowledge rose a nation—more importantly an idea. We built this, all of us, together, and we can enjoy it, together. We’ll take the good and the bad, along with that of our ancestors from every corner of this planet, and we’ll keep striving, like Americans, to do better.

So, the message we want to say to you, Robin, is simple. No.

No. We will not sit in our homes in terror as everything our parents and their parents before us worked so hard to build gets torn down. We will not let your racism infect us all and tear us apart. We will rise up and say in one unified voice: NO.

We reject any world that fosters nothing but hate and division and seeks to destroy the legacy which was handed down to us, which our people—all of our people—built and grew into together. We reject your attempts to steal our voices and redefine racism through your white, or now brown, fragility lens. We forgive you for your racism even as we reject your racist language used against us, when we attempt to object. We can see how you treat us, telling our white spouses to hate us and us to resent them, making them suffer, making them believe they are oppressors who oppress us, who they love. We can see the blatant racism in all of this, and your word games can not hide it. We’re not so stupid as you seem to think.

We want you to know, that we see the harm caused by these racist ideas and we say, NO.

We will not shut up; we will not be silenced; we will not be intimidated by white children bamboozled by the insane racist ramblings of a woman who can’t handle her own racism; and we will not accept your racism being projected onto all of us. You may have to live with your racism, but no one else does.

To each of you that hears us, it is up to you to decide what to do now. You are an individual, but we should remember that we are all in this together.

Signed,

A group of professional brown Americans (if you must know) who worked their way up in a free country. We cannot sign our right names because, thanks in some significant part to you, we know what will happen if we do. Those who feel they can, can add theirs in the comments.’

The letter can be read at: https://newdiscourses.com/2020/06/open-letter-robin-diangelo-anti-racism/

Matt Walsh on the Celebration of Villains like Alfred Kinsey and the Women Warrior Slavers of Dahomey

September 13, 2022

Yeah, I know, it’s Matt Walsh, one of the major figures in popular Republican propaganda. The great commenters on this blog have warned me about reblogging material from the right, as I shouldn’t let myself become a mouthpiece for them and they never reciprocate. Helen Pluckrose, a left-wing critic of the postmodern ideologies of Queer and Critical Race Theory and Postcolonial Studies wrote a piece for James Lindsay’s New Discourses calling for the right to stop demonising the left and recognise that much of the work refuting these highly damaging ideologies was actually being done by leftists. She’s absolutely right. But yes, Walsh is still using it to take swipes at the left. And the Lotus Eaters have put up a piece about how ‘Socialists Are Terrible People’. The thumbnail to the video shows Hasan Piker, who is an obnoxious pratt. There was a clip of him on one of the right-wing channels raving about the ‘glorious Muslim enslavement of Whites’.

But I feel I have to put up videos like this one from Walsh because they are tackling important issues which I don’t see being done from the left. Or at least, not the mainstream British left. In this video Walsh attacks the way traditional western heroes, who were often people with very serious flaws, are being removed and replaced with people who are villains, but suit the ideology now being pushed. He gives two examples. One is the erection of a statue to sexologist Alfred Kinsey at Indiana University, where already a building or a wing has been named after him. The other is the film The Woman King, about a female general in the corps of women warriors, the Amazons, of Dahomey. This soldier, Nasicka, leads the resistance to the French invasion of her homeland.

Walsh points out that Kinsey was paedophile, who paid child rapists as his informants. He was convinced that children and babies were sexual beings. One of the tables in his Report on Sexuality of the Human Male, or whatever it was called, records the sexual responses of children from 5 months to 15 years old. This was based on information supplied to him, and which he paid for, by child rapists. For Walsh, this utterly invalidates everything Kinsey has ever done, and definitely means he should not be celebrated. I find it hard to disagree with the latter statement.

As for the women warriors of Dahomey, Walsh discusses how the critics are raving about the film because it ticks all the boxes – women warriors and Black Africans, who represented as fighting for their freedom against the evil Whites. He invents two quotes from critics supposedly saying that it made them ashamed to be White and having White children as an example of the excesses the critic’s praises nearly reach. In fact, Dahomey was a state geared to war and the enslavement of other Africans. Captured slaves were either put on plantations to grow food for the army, or were sold to outsiders, including Europeans. The Amazons were part of that slavery war machine, but the film grotesquely portrays them as abolitionists. If the slaves weren’t sold, they were killed. Walsh cites the Encyclopaedia Britannica about Dahomey, but the same facts can be found in any number of other, mainstream, standard histories of Africa. He is also right when he says that the British fought a war against Dahomey to stop them slaving. Again, totally true. Uncovered Editions published a collection of the British government papers about the war in 2001 as King Guezo of Dahomey, 1850-52: The Abolition of Slavery in West Africa. And the Dahomeyans did massacre or hold mass human sacrifices of unsold slaves. Sometime in the 19th century they massacred 300 of them, which shocked Europeans, including seasoned explorers like Captain Denham. Denham told a British parliamentary inquiry that the mass murder was especially shocking, given the advances these civilisations had made in most of the arts of civilisation. Which to me shows that Denham, while seeing western civilisation as superior, did not regard west Africans as uncivilised savages.

Walsh mentions that Hollywood frequently takes liberties with history but regards this glamorisation of an African slave state as particularly grotesque. It is as if a film rewrote history to show the Confederacy as the heroes fighting against slavery. Again, true. I can see why the film is being widely praised coming as it does after BLM and the new denunciations of White supremacy, racism and imperialism. I’m very much aware the reality behind many traditional western heroes is far different from the legend. Folk heroes like Dick Turpin and the western gunfighters were brutal thugs. And I’m also aware of the old newspaper maxim about the heroes of the Old West – if there’s a difference between fact and legend, print the legend. But equally, if there are two choices, two causes or individuals equally as bad, you’re quite entitled to choose neither. Just because Hitler was a monster doesn’t mean that you have to support Stalin.

And so just because western imperialism was responsible for some monstrous evils, you don’t have to glamorise and celebrate Black imperialist, slaving monsters.

Helen Pluckrose Explains to Conservatives that the Left Is also Resisting Woke Postmodernism

August 15, 2022

Helen Pluckrose is one of the trio of academics with Peter Boghossian and James Lindsay who are determined to write about, expose and combat that woke postmodernist theories and ideologies now threatening academia and society. While James Lindsay seems to be a man of the right, with a real hatred of communism, Pluckrose is far more left-wing. She describes her values and beliefs as socialist, but has also said that she now describes herself as a liberal from determination to preserve and uphold liberalism’s essential philosophical values of free speech, logic, reason and individualism. These vital pillars underpinning modern liberal, democratic society are denied and threatened by the new postmodernist disciplines of Critical Race Theory, Queer Theory, Post-Colonial Theory and so on.

These disciplines reject factual analysis, replacing it instead with language and discourse, and replace logic and reason with assertion and feeling. In her book with James Lindsay, Cynical Theories (Swift Press, 2021) she quotes various postmodernist writers, who make it very clear that they reject facts and logic because that’s not how Blacks and people from ethnic minorities view and interact with the world. Instead, according to these ideologues, non-Whites use instead legend and ‘lived experience’. This irrationalism is shared by White Fascism movements. The Nazis and Italian Fascists also celebrated irrationalism, particularly in the latter’s anti-positivist movement, instead proclaiming that there were certain truths that only members of the nation (Fascists) or Volk (Nazis) could know. Instead of universalism, the Fascists and Nazis also declared that the races had their own set of values, and that modern, democratic civilisation was alien to the Italian and Aryan, Germanic peoples. Despite claiming that they’re fighting racism, the supporters and ideologues responsible for Critical Race Theory repeat some of the same racism as the Fascist right, just from an anti-White quasi-Marxist postmodern perspective.

And I imagine that a number of Blacks and other people of colour are, or would be very annoyed by Critical Race Theory’s assumptions that they are somehow less rational, less capable of using logic, than Whites. This is, after all, the same assumptions White racial theorists made to justify the system of laws keeping Blacks down, in slavery and segregation.

Pluckrose has posted a long essay, ‘A Short Letter to a Misunderstanding Right’ on Lindsay’s New Discourses channel on YouTube. The right frequently claims that the left uniformly supports the postmodern, ‘Critical’ Theories. Matt Walsh does this, as do the Lotus Eaters. In her essay, Pluckrose explains how the Critical Theories have arisen and co-opted parts of standard left-wing ideologies and concerns, but attacks the attitude that the left is solidly behind them. She states that the left is a coalition of different groups, just as the right is. She explains why Communists, Socialists and pro-capitalist liberals also reject the Critical Theories because of their intolerance, their neglect of economics and abandonment of the working class. Gender critical feminists are also strongly opposed to them because they reject the reality of biological sex.

She concludes

‘Nevertheless, while most conservatives are more keenly aware of the problems with Critical Social Justice, they are slow to understand that, like on their own side of the aisle, “the left” is a coalition made up of several factions that do not agree with one another. Just as free-market libertarians cannot reasonably be blamed for the beliefs of anti-capitalist Christian conservatives, who in turn disagree strongly with anti-capitalist conservative Muslims, and center-right classical liberals and center-right social conservatives both also exist and disagree with each other and all the rest of these groups, so too is the left comprised of people with very different ideas who fully understand and consistently oppose each other. We frequently hear much confusion from some conservatives who seem to think Marxism and postmodernism are variations on the same thing and that (in the US) all of them fall into the broader category of “liberal” despite the gallons of ink spilled over the disagreement between all of these factions for decades if not centuries. Very often, we will hear: “The left is all [Critical] Social Justice (Warriors), and if it’s not, why aren’t any of the other lefties opposing them?”

In response, the Marxists, radicals, and most socialists respond with exasperation: with something like, “Are you serious? We were the first to address the issue of postmodernism. We’ve been telling you that postmodernism is a problem for half a century now. Read our critiques of it. Begin with Chomsky vs Foucault in 1971, move on to Fredric Jameson in 1991, and then have a look what the World Socialist Web Site has to say about it right now. Liberal lefties (like me) wonder what more we have to do for you to notice both our existence and our opposition to the irrationalism and illiberalism of postmodernism and Critical Social Justice. I’ve just spent five years criticizing them full-time while advocating liberalism, and yet conservatives who found me precisely because of the criticism (and who often then leave again because of the liberalism) will still ask me why the reasonable left isn’t doing anything, if it even exists. Most of “the left” rejects Critical Social Justice every bit as much as you conservatives do, and it would be both nice and wise if you would start recognizing it and get away from the factionalist power-games mindset yourselves.

So, let’s have a deal. If conservatives can agree not to blame liberals or socialists (or even the radicals, kind of!) for Critical Social Justice, which has co-opted all of our movements and efforts against our will, we on the left can agree not to blame right-leaning libertarians and classical liberals for conspiracy theorists and religiously social conservatives who try to ban teaching of evolution and who want to render homosexuals as second-class citizens again. Your side is a coalition of factions, some of which need cleaning up, and so is ours. Most of us on “the left” are realizing we need to fight those on our Critical Social Justice fringe, and we hope you’ll start to notice.’

It’s a great piece and needs to be read by anyone concerned about the way sections of the right are using these Critical Theories as a weapon to smear and discredit the left.

The essay can be read at: https://newdiscourses.com/2020/03/letter-misunderstanding-right/

Critical Race Theory, White Privilege and the Rhetoric of Ethnic Cleansing

August 2, 2022

As readers will have probably noticed, I have very strong objections to Critical Race Theory and particularly its concept of White privilege. Critical Race Theory is a postmodern revision of Marxism, dreamt up in the 1970s by Kimberle Crenshaw and a group of Black Marxist legal scholars in the 1970s. It replaces class as the instrument of oppression with race. ‘Whiteness’ is a bourgeois quality possessed by all Whites which guarantees them social, economic and political superiority to Blacks and other people of colour. Even if the individual White person is not racist. Racism, it also holds, has not declined, but is just better hidden. Whites must be made to know Black oppression and feel guilty about it. Much of the literature of Critical Race Theory and its activism is about deliberately humiliating Whites. For example, several years ago there were student riots at Evergreen College in Oregon. The college was very liberal, and there had been for decades since the 1970s an annual withdrawal of Black students during the summer months to mark the absence of Blacks during a critical phase in the civil rights struggle or so. By the middle of the last decade, this had changed into demands for the White students to absent themselves in favour of Blacks, in order to appreciate Black marginalisation. This was succeeded by a series of aggressive student demonstration in which Blacks and their White allies insisted on forcing Whites into inferior positions. At meetings, for example, Whites were required to sit at the back and not speak. Brett Weinstein, an evolutionary biologist with liberal views, describes it as ‘Black supremacy’. Not all Blacks supported this aggressive demonstration of racial vindictiveness, and one of Weinstein’s students, a young Black woman, shouted at the mob that she wasn’t oppressed. Students of whatever colour, who didn’t conform, were chased by the mob. Peter Boghossian, Helen Pluckrose and James Lindsay also demonstrated the irrationality and vicious prejudice of this woke pseudo-scholarship in the spoof papers they sent to various woke, postmodern journals, which were eventually collected up and published as Grievance Studies. In one paper, they argued that White male students should be forced to sit on the floor in order to teach them about marginalisation and persecution. They believed this would be too much for the academic journal to which they had submitted it. Alas, no; it was accepted with a reply complaining that they didn’t go far enough: the young men shouldn’t just be forced to sit on the floor, but should be chained up as well.

Part of what worries me about the concept of ‘White privilege’ is that privilege is something usually said of rich minority groups, who haven’t worked for their position, such as the aristocracy. Or the half of the British business elite that has inherited the ownership of their companies, rather than having worked their way up. It also recalls the legal privileges that accompanied the European class system, particularly under feudalism, and the legal restriction placed on Blacks in Jim Crow America and in the White-ruled colonies, like Rhodesia, Malawi and South Africa, until the beginning of Black majority rule. For example, until the establishment of democracy in the 1920s in Britain, women were barred from voting and there was a property qualification on the franchise, so that the majority of working class men did not have the vote either. I also believe that there was a property qualification on serving on juries, which was only abolished by Woy, sorry, Roy Jenkins in his socially liberal reforms of the 1960s. Much of the ire directed at Jenkins from the right comes from his decriminalisation of homosexuality and his relaxation of the divorce laws. One splenetic right-winger- from the Daily Heil perhaps? – once described him as a destroyer of British society comparable to Stalin or some other totalitarian monster. Really? Just Jenkins on his own? With his ‘good claret expression’, to use the words of caricaturist Gerald Scarfe. The last time I looked, Britain’s buildings were all standing rather than reduced to rubble by the rampaging hordes, and Jenkins and the Labour party following him had sent a precise number of zero people to concentration camps or re-education centres. But a certain type of high Tory does want all this back. The Financial Times reviewed one such book, which looked forward to the return of the property qualification for juries so they would protect property rights, and the restoration of the old order before anti-discrimination legislation.

In fact there are very strong arguments against White privilege. For a start, east Asian such as the Chinese and Japanese, perform much better educationally and economically than Whites in America and Britain. In Britain the proportion of Asians in management positions, for example, is identical to Whites. In America, they earn more and occupy superior jobs. And while Blacks are sacked before Whites, Whites are sacked before east Asians. This isn’t because east Asians are superior in IQ. It’s because they seem to work harder and have a particular set of cultural skills that allow them to succeed. And in many instances, they earned their position through very hard work against prejudice and discrimination. One social study found that the Japanese in Canada were the most ‘privileged’ ethnic group. But Japanese Canadians had had a long struggle against punitive discrimination which was worse than that experienced by people of Japanese descent in the US. And immigrants to the US from the British Caribbean earn more on average not just to native Black Americans, but also to Whites. For Black conservatives like Thomas Sowell, Blacks are held back not by racial discrimination in the wider society, though he doesn’t deny this exists, but because the majority Black culture hasn’t acquired the necessary social and economic skills to uplift themselves And he is fiercely critical of multiculturalism because he believes it isolates and ossifies different ethnic groups into separate enclaves and cultural preserves, thus preventing from learning from and acquiring the skills of other, more successful groups. As for White privilege, it is hard to see what privilege a homeless White man possesses compared to tenured and respected Black academics and radicals like Crenshaw.

To me, Critical Race Theory and White privilege tackle the problem of Black poverty and marginalisation from the wrong end. Instead of seeing Black poverty as the anomaly which must be tackled, it sees White success as the anomaly, which must be destroyed if Blacks and people of colour are to take their rightful place in society. Thus White people must be brought down and Whiteness abolished. The Guardian, which promotes Critical Race Theory, as claimed that this doesn’t mean White people but Whiteness as the social quality that gives them their exalted place. But one of the writers anthologised in the collection of papers, Critical Race Theory, states that there is no difference between Whiteness and White people. And one of the fears of CRT’s critics is that after attacking Whiteness, the radicals will indeed move on to attacking Whites.

It seems to me that the Critical Race Theory and White privilege are essentially a continuation of the mindset that Whites enjoy their superior social position through mechanisms of power long after those legal mechanisms had been officially abolished and the ideology on which they were based was discredited. It’s an attempted to explain why, after the victories of the Civil Rights movement, the majority of Blacks are still poor. And the rhetoric of decolonisation over here seems to be a direct transference of the bitterness felt by indigenous Africans to privileged White settlers to mainstream British, White society. And that worries me, because of the brutality of the ethnic cleansing of the White farmers in Zimbabwe by Mugabe’s thugs at the beginning of the century. I also have to say that I’m worried about the trends in Afrocentric and other Black pseudohistory that claims that Blacks are the original inhabitants of the British isles. Simon Webb of History Debunked yesterday put up a post about the claims in a book on African and Afro-Caribbean communities in the UK, that there are folktales of Africans invading Britain before the Romans. Webb has his own racial biases and some the historical claims he makes are also false. But if he’s right about this, then the author of the book, Hakim Adi, a professor at Chichester university, is talking pure tosh. I am aware of no such folktales, not even when I was a member of the Society for Contemporary Legend Research back in the 1990s. The closest I’ve come to it was in the long-running and sadly missed Celtic warrior strip, Slaine, in the zarjaz SF comic 2000AD. This included a race of Black Atlanteans, the Rmoahals, described as giant aboriginals. The strip’s writer, Pat Mills, based them on a legend that the standing stones of the isle of Callanish in the Hebrides were built by Black-skinned giants who dressed in feathers. Aside from that, the only other source for this curious assertion may be a garbled memory of one of the waves of colonisation that swept over Britain and the continent during prehistory. The Neolithic reached Britain from the fertile crescent over two routes. One was directly across Europe itself, the other was across North Africa and then up from Morocco through Spain. But this occurred so long ago that it was lost to memory for millennia. Archaeologists have only now been able to reconstruct it by using genetic data. Has Adi heard a garbled version of this from within the Black community, from people who mistakenly thought this was a Black African invasion? It also reminds me of the claim made a few years ago that the ancient Egyptians settled in Birmingham before the Roman conquest. This appeared in the Independent, but has, I understand, since been discredited. It also seems to me to have a certain kinship to another piece of Black myth-making, that sailors from Mali discovered America before Columbus, but didn’t enslave the Amerindians. If this happened, it would be truly remarkable, as I’ve seen claims that the Malians didn’t have any ocean-going ships. And the Malinka were a powerful slaving nation, so if they did discover the Amerindians, there would have been nothing preventing them from enslaving them as well.

My fear is that this rhetoric and pseudohistory will cause Blacks, or a minority of Blacks, to see themselves as the oppressed, true inhabitants of Britain and attack the White British as colonialist oppressors. Even if, at present, they claim otherwise. When the Black Lives Matter movement broke out, its Bristol branch stuck up posters claiming that ‘We’ve always been here’ – which is hi8storically very debatable, although some Blacks have been present in Britain at various periods from the Middle Ages onwards. Claims of Black presence further back, such as the supposed Black skin colour of Cheddar man, are more conjectural. Webb has claimed that this reconstruction was based on a false interpretation and has since been retracted, but I have not seen him cite his source for this.

Marx himself held some extremely unpleasant racial views. He’s most infamous for his anti-Semitism, as shown by him sneering at his German rival, Ferdinand Lassalles, as ‘the Jewish ni++er.’ But he also had strong prejudices against European ethnic groups. He held that the Celts, Basques and the Slavs were backward peoples who had no intrinsic right to exist and national independence. When the 1848 Revolutions broke out, he was afraid that their bids for independence would stop the class revolution he wished to promote. In a chilling passage, he looked forward to the class war becoming a race war. This recalls the horrific ethnic cleansing and deportations Stalin inflicted on the national minorities in the USSR, including the Holodomor, the artificial famine in Ukraine which killed 7 million people.

Thomas Sowell in his book Conquests and Cultures talks about the ethnic cleansing by Muslim mobs of the Ibo people by Muslims in Nigeria and the horrific bloodbath of the Biafran war. The Ibos had previously been a minor, poor tribe but had seized the opportunities presented by western, Christian missionary education, which the northern Muslims had rejected as against their faith. As a result, Ibos were better educated and held better jobs and positions of responsibility even in the Muslim north. This was naturally resented, and the resentment grew into violence. Sowell notes that these tensions were heightened by the language each side used against the other. He writes

‘The problem was not simply that there were differences of opinion, but that there were not established and mutually respected traditions for airing those differences with restraint and accommodation. Vitriolic polemic in the press and in the political arena became the norm. Epithets like “fascist” and “imperialist stooge” became commo currency, along with unbridled expressions of tribal chauvinism.’ (p. 127). In the West there are respected means of airing such differences, but the insults sound very much like the language used by the woke, radical intersectional left against its opponents.

And there is anti-White racism and violence. Two decades ago the number of Whites killed in racist attacks was nearly the same as members of Blacks and other ethnic minorities. There have been armed attacks by Blacks on Whites in the past few weeks and months. One was when a man opened fire on the passengers on a subway. Another was when a Black man deliberately drove his car into a parade in a White community. He left behind a manifesto which made it very clear that this was an act of anti-White terrorism. But this was not treated as such by the Biden administration.

I am very pessimistic about the success of affirmative actions schemes in creating a sustainable Black middle class. As I understand it, this was originally intended to be only a temporary measure. Once Blacks had gained entry into education, the sciences, politics and business on a level comparable with Whites, these schemes were to be dismantled as they would no longer be needed. But forty years after the Runnymede Commission recommended ‘positive discrimination’ in which Blacks are to be favoured by offering places with lower grades to universities and colleges, and preferential job offers if they have lower qualifications, the mass of Black Britain still remains poor and marginalised. I don’t, however, know how bad the situation would otherwise be if these policies had not been implemented. It could be they would have been much worse.

Nevertheless I do fear that these policies will continue to fail and that, in their anger and desperation, some Blacks will begin pogroms against Whites, encouraged by the rhetoric and arguments of Critical Race Theory.