Ed West, The Diversity Illusion: What We Got Wrong About Immigration & How To Set It Right (Gibson Square 2013)
Ed West, so the blurb on the back cover says, is a journalist who has written for the Times, Daily Telegraph, Standard and Spectator. He was deputy editor of the Catholic Herald, and is now deputy editor of Unherd. He’s definitely a man of the right, and this is his attack on one of the long-term targets of the right, mass immigration and multiculturalism. The book argues that far from benefiting the country, mass immigration instead does not bring economic prosperity, technological or cultural innovation and dynamism, but instead has created more poverty, division and social isolation. It has weakened the social solidarity supporting the NHS and welfare state. Thanks to the social stresses it has created, multiculturalism has to be supported by a massive increased bureaucracy dedicated to creating racial and cultural equality and to convince an increasingly sceptical general public that this is all beneficial. These strains have also resulted in repressive and authoritarian legislation intended to stamp out any sign of racial or religious friction, legislation which are a direct danger to free speech. Mass immigration and multiculturalism have also formed a pretext for the radical attack on traditional British institutions such as the monarchy and the Christian churches. It has actively harmed the White working class and previous generations of immigrants, who have seen their jobs taken away by new waves of immigrants. It does, however, benefit big business and the anti-racist middle classes by providing them with cheap labour they can exploit while congratulating themselves on their liberalism and anti-racism.
Migrant Experience of Racism
This is not a racist book, however. West describes the racist hostility all too many immigrants faced when coming to the UK. One of these was Eric Braithwaite. Braithwaite was a Guyanese man, who had risked his life for the mother country as an RAF pilot during the War. He was also highly educated with a physics degree. This was at the time when only 2 per cent of the British population went on to university. But when he returned to Britain after the War, he found every door shut in his face when his prospective employers found out he was a man of colour. Eventually he got a job teaching in a sink school. Braithwaite is clearly the type of immigrant Britain should have been glad to receive, and it is a gross injustice that he was the victim of such prejudice.
The book also describes how immigrants and ethnic minorities also take the blame for controversial decisions taken by the radical left to secularise British culture in their name. For example, one of the London boroughs decided that serving Easter biscuits in school meals at Easter was unfairly promoting Christianity in modern, multicultural British society. They therefore took it off the menu. Muslims generally have a high view of Christianity, and so two of the main Muslim organisations complained about the decision and the way they were being blamed for it when they had nothing to do with it.
The Anti-Slavery Movement and the White British Working Class
The book also describes the anti-racist, anti-slavery attitudes of the British White working class in the 19th century. For example, a banquet was given in honour of General Eyre in Southampton following his brutal suppression of the Morant Bay rebellion in the 1860s. But there was an even larger protest against Eyre by the horny handed sons and daughters of toil the other side of the river. The cotton weavers in the Lancashire mills also behaved selflessly during the American Civil War. Much of the cotton they wove was American and produced by slaves. It was in their economic interests to weave it. But they didn’t, preferring to act ethically against a huge moral evil and suffer for it. After the North won, they sent a message to Abraham Lincoln congratulating him on his victory against slavery, to which the victorious president sent a gracious reply of appreciation. And the great Black American anti-slavery campaigner and author, Frederick Douglass, noted the profound opposition to slavery from Britain’s working people. This contrasts with the venom and sneers at the White working class today by members of the self-aware anti-racist middle class, such as Yasmin Alibhai-Brown. He quotes her describing the White working class as drunken, violent, ignorant, pot-bellied and racist. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that as well as writing for the I and Independent, she also writes articles lamenting modern morals for the Daily Heil.
Not Wanting Your People to Be a Minority Is Not Racist
West further argues that wanting your people to remain the majority ethnic group in your country and that they should also retain their traditional culture is not racist. Nor are White majority areas. Multiculturalists recognise that Black and ethnic minorities settle in the same areas because of their need for the company and social support of their own ethnic groups. Whites should also be allowed to do the same, but are criticised if they do. He also argues, using polls, that restricting immigration tends to reduce racism, not promote it. America was most united across racial lines after the end of the wave of mass immigration in the 1920s and before the removal of the restriction on immigration from other parts of the world than northern Europe in the 1960s. At the same time, polls about immigration in other countries show the same people desiring to end immigration also having a positive view of immigrants themselves.
New Labour and Mass Migration
The book believes that the modern wave of mass immigration in the 21st century was started by Blair’s New Labour as part of an attempt to restructure British demography and society. This is based on civil servant Andrew Neather’s infamous article stating that Blair opened up immigration in order to ‘rub the Tories’ noses in it’. Neather later retracted this statement, but an early copy of the speech Blair or one of his minions made about the decision to increase immigration to the UK contained several paragraphs about the supposed social benefits this would bring, which were cut from the final speech which only mentioned the supposed economic advantages.
No Economic Benefits from Mass Immigration
Supporters of mass immigration and diversity argue that it has massively boosted the economy. In America, this is supposed to constitute billions if not trillions of dollars. But other economists have also concluded that the economic benefits are small, if any. And British stats showing that immigration has benefited the country have failed to include the costs, such as the resources needed to integrate them, the extra infrastructure that needs to be built to house and service them. Social housing is a major element of this. 80 per cent of British population growth, at times, has been drive through immigration. Because of their poverty, many of them are given social housing in preference to the traditional White inhabitants of an area, who may have waited years for a council house. When one London borough adopted a policy where the children of people in council homes inherited its tenure from their parents, it was attacked in the Guardian for creating an all-White area.
Immigration also isn’t introducing the technical or cultural innovations expected of it. While some immigrants are skilled and educated professionals, a very large percentage are unskilled and therefore condemned to lives on welfare. They don’t bring any technological or industrial innovations nor necessarily do they spread any deep knowledge of their culture’s arts and literature either. When they meet and talk to their White friends, it’s more likely to be about contemporary music and the games on the X-box. At the same time, mass immigration isn’t necessary for cultural and technological diffusion across continents. This was done in previous centuries through only a few individual travellers, and through publishing and mass communications.
Mass Immigration Creating Racial Division
And mass immigration is creating more racial division and intolerance. Thanks to satellite broadcasting and the internet, German Turks can spend their entire lives in Germany immersed in Turkish culture. Immigrants are no longer forced to integrate and assimilate due to the distance from their homelands. Contact with their relatives and former compatriots back home is no longer a problem thanks to modern air travel. And some ethnic groups are very careful to send their children back home for extended periods in order to prevent them becoming British. This was one of the issues discussed in an infamous article by the headmaster of a northern school published by a right-wing magazine, the Salisbury Review, in the 1980s. The headmaster was bitterly attacked as a racist and driven out of teaching, even though contemporary research says he was absolutely right. It is probably significant here that there was a poll of West Indians and Asians before they immigrated to Britain. 87 per cent of West Indians felt they were British, and were naturally horrified when they weren’t treated as such when they finally arrived. But only two per cent of Asians said they felt British, and only six per cent said they would be happy with their children identifying as British.
Muslims Alienated by Sexual Permissiveness
The alienation many ethnic minorities, particularly Muslims, feel towards modern British society is also due in part to the new sexual morality. The book quotes Muslim immigrants, who speak fondly of the British society they remember from the arrival. They and their children had White friends. But they don’t want their children to befriend Whites, thanks to the new British culture of sexual permissiveness. This also adds a wrinkle to the demands that immigrants should adopt British values. Citizenship education contains images of a topless woman on a beach and gay men kissing as examples of British values, that immigrants must adopt. But Muslims aren’t the only people not happy with public sexual displays. A number of indigenous Brits do too. So what are these ‘British values’ that immigrants are expected to adopt? He also argues that the decline of Christianity and its traditional attitudes to sex have harmed Black West Indian immigrants. There was already a permissive attitude towards sex due to slavery, but this was counteracted by the Christian faith of their peoples. However, Christianity in Britain was collapsing. As the new immigrants in turn became secular, the taboos against sex outside marriage also decline and the number of fatherless families increased. He also argues that the establishment of what in Britain is called Family Allowance also caused similar destruction of the Black family on the other side of the Pond. Mothers were given benefit only so long as they had children to bring up, and so there developed a trend for unmarried women to give birth to children in order to continue to receive money to support them.
Muslims Identification Growing
As ethnic minority communities have grown, so they have become more distant. This has been exacerbated by attempts to integrate and promote them by adopting leaders from within those communities as their political spokespeople. This was, again, introduced by Blair’s New Labour. But the number of people entering the forums and organisations set up to represent them are small. These organisations act as platforms for immigrant groups to compete against each other for state funding. It was supposedly competition between Blacks and Asians over this which caused the 2001 race riots between them. It is also one of the causes the Muslim community has become more religious. While relatively few Muslims actually attend the mosque, the majority strongly identify as Muslim and stress the importance of Islam to them. The first generation of post-War migrants were much more secular. The book argues that this has occurred because it was religious, observant Muslims who put themselves forwards as their community’s leaders. A parallel process is also seen in the White population in and around Muslim areas. While they remain secular in practice, they are more likely to identify as Christian than the rest of White Britain. These increasingly segregated communities are often served by racially segregated schools. West describes this occurring in one northern town, where two different communities sent their children to two different schools. Both schools, however, had excellent grades. The local authorities tried to break down barriers between them by closing and demolishing the two schools in favour of a new school which would serve both. This was a disaster. Grades plummeted and the students fought each other. The violence only stopped with the installation of CCTV cameras.
Violent Crime
Mass immigration has also brought with it an increase in violent crime, to the extent that three London boroughs now have armed police on regular patrols, breaking the long tradition of unarmed policing. While there are a number of other factors involved, the various Caribbean nations from which these immigrant communities come have murder rates far higher than the average British. It’s therefore not an accident that three London boroughs have regular patrols of armed police.
Repressive Laws to tackle Increasing Racial Friction
In order to combat racial friction and violence, the authorities have passed increasingly repressive legislation. This includes the various laws passed after the MacPherson report, which made it illegal to say anything racist or otherwise bigoted even in your own home. This legislation now classes as illegal any comment which another person may find offensive, leaving what may be construed as racist or offensive dangerously vague. At the same time, the search for racist motives in crime may resemble a medieval inquisition or Maoist interrogation. He gives as an example of this the investigation of the police responsible for investigating the murder of Stephen Lawrence. They initially concluded that the four accused weren’t guilty and so released them. The four were then investigated again, contrary to the law of double jeopardy, which says you can’t be tried twice for the same offence. Again, they were released without charge. The police themselves were then subject to an investigation. When they were summoned to court, the prosecution was so desperate to find a racist motive that they were even asked what thoughts were going through their minds. This is probably one of the most controversial sections of a controversial book. I don’t doubt that Stephen Lawrence was the victim of a racist murder, and that there is a problem with racism in the Met police. But this section argues that the attempt to find that racism has broken the traditional legal principles protecting ordinary Brits from state persecution.
Eurabia
These issues are going to get worse as the White population declines and the non-White grows. Projections indicate that Whites are to become a minority by 2066. The book discusses ‘Eurabia’, the idea suggested by the scholar of Islam, Bernard Lewis, that the greater fertility of the Muslim population will result in Europe becoming majority Muslim by the end of this century. In fact, the Muslim birth rate around the world is falling, but the differential between it and White births will be greater because of the much lower White birth rate, which is below the level of population replacement. The British population with immigration may rise to 90 million, but without it, it would decline to 57 million.
Britain is therefore faced with the problem of supporting and caring for an increasingly elderly population. In order to do this, it is suggested that more immigrants should be imported. But then we would also have to face the problem of importing more people to care for them in their turn. When applied to Europe as a whole, you’re looking at billions of people being needed. The solution the book recommends is to raise the retirement age. The Japanese, meanwhile, have also been spurred to innovate technologically and create robots to do this job, something that may not happen here if cheap immigrant labour is available. Similarly, the introduction of immigrants to solve labour shortages also is no solution. These shortages are generally short term, but immigrants, once settled, can’t be sent back home. Which is guest worker schemes are always failures.
Mass Immigration Benefits Big Business and the Middle Class Elite
So who benefits from mass immigration? Big business and the woke middle classes. Big business has demanded more immigration, because they benefit from cheap labour. And immigration does not raise wages. Studies have found that wage rises due to immigration are very modest at around half a percent or so. This is except for the lowest tenth of the working population, whose wages are actually depressed. A few years ago the Black Caribbean community in London complained that they were losing work thanks to immigrant Polish workers. The woke middle classes benefit, because they can rave about the new cuisine the immigrants bring with them, as well as cheap domestic help. And there seems to be an element of hypocrisy here. These groups are wealthy, and this insulates them from the worst effects of mass immigration. They often don’t live in ethnic areas. The non-Whites they know are also wealthy, which seals them off from the rest of the population. These middle class liberals look down on and sneer at working class Whites because of their continued adherence to and support for traditional British institutions like the Crown and Christianity. The highly educated elites see no need for these to exist, but their education and wealth prevents them from being damaged by those institution’s absence.
Decline in Trust between People
At the same time mass immigration is reducing social capital, the social solidarity holding society together. Here the book cites the research of the American liberal scholar, Putnam, who found that the highest levels of trust in American communities were in monocultural areas, or areas in which there were few people of different ethnicity. Not only did trust decline between communities in multicultural areas, but it also declined between people of the same ethnic group. This has dangerous implications for the welfare state and the NHS. People support welfare benefits when they believe they’re being spent on people like them. Public support for welfare spending dropped markedly after Thatcher’s election. While the book acknowledges that she might have had something to do with it, he also argues that it was the result of mass immigration. Similarly, the NHS was set up during a period of great British social solidarity. But it is questionable if the same amount of social solidarity exists today to support it, if it was being founded now. And this goes for the social capital that underpins key British institutions as a whole. The book speculates that we may be running on the last remaining reserves of social capital that our ancestors built up. As for the woke middle class who support multiculturalism and decry traditional British culture, these include people like the folksinger Billy Bragg. Bragg gave a speech against racism in one of the London boroughs, before moving to Somerset, one of the Whitest areas of the country, because of its superior quality of life.
The Wars and Loss of Confidence in Western Culture
The book also tells the history of post-War immigration and the consequent controversies and conflicts, as well as the events that led to the catastrophic loss of conflict in traditional European culture that saw European intellectuals look to solutions in the mass movement of people from outside the continent. This began with the horrors of the First World War, which convinced writers like Somerset Maugham, speaking through one of his characters, that British culture was all ‘bunk’. This was followed by the Second World War and the Holocaust, which made European intellectuals turn against racism and has also acted to rule out any discussion of the detrimental effects of mass immigration.
Post-War Immigration and Labour and Conservative Attitudes
The post-War wave of mass immigration began with the Empire Windrush. At the time, however, this was considered to be only a minor event. A navy ship did follow it, and there were discussions in the House whether such a large number of non-Whites should be allowed to come to Britain, but most people expected them to stay only for a short while before leaving. Most of the opposition to the new non-White immigration at the time came from the trade unions and Labour, who were afraid of non-White migrants taking White workers jobs, as well as the disruption to British society through the influx of so many non-Whites. The Tories were the most tolerant towards mass immigration, influenced by imperial paternalism but also the view that such immigration would only be temporary and would not change the demographic nature of the country. West doesn’t mention the Conservative fringe that supported the rising anti-immigration and Fascist movements, or the infamous Conservative election poster with its slogan ‘If you want a n***er for a neighbour, vote Labour’. Instead he mentions Lord Altrincham as an example of those Tories opposed to immigration. Altrincham had radical views which were very odd for a man of the right. He wanted to abolish the monarchy and ended up writing for the Observer. The Left’s stance on immigration has now been reversed with the trade unions calling for more immigration. The book then goes on to discuss the mass immigration of Asians to this country through their expulsion first from Jomo Kenyatta’s Kenya and the Uganda by that thug Idi Amin. Britain was not required to take them in, but did so as under the imperial and commonwealth agreements with India Britain had assumed the role of their protector in Africa. Another critical episode was the 1948 Canadian Nationality Act. Before this, anyone who was a citizen of any British colony or territory was automatically a British citizen. The Canadians revised their nationality laws, forcing Britain to define its own. Britain did so by granting citizenship to commonwealth citizens, which unintentionally contributed to further mass immigration by migrants seeking work in the mother country.
The Fascist Fringe
The book also describes the rise of the far right in Britain, and makes a number of claims that I haven’t read elsewhere and which I think need checking. It states that Arnold Leese and his League of Empire Loyalists founded the National Front, and that the BNP was founded by John Tyndall. This is true, as is the statement that Tyndall used to dress as a Nazi. However, he states that Leese wasn’t an anti-Semite and threw Tyndall and his goons out of the NF because he didn’t like Nazis. This is the bit I haven’t heard before. This was defeated, the book claims, by Tyndall’s Nazis infiltrating the NF.
The book also covers the emergence of the English Defence League, which it says is anti-racist and has the slogan ‘Black and White Unite and Fight’. This is true of their public stance, but later investigation has shown that it was stuffed full of former BNP Nazis, including its founder, Tommy Robinson.
Enoch Powell and the ‘Rivers of Blood’
Then comes Enoch Powell and his infamous ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. Brian, one of the great commenters here, has warned me against being taken in by the claims that Powell himself wasn’t racist. I’ve heard contrasting claims about Powell in this regard. The book claims he wasn’t personally racist. He had himself saved a Jewish German from Nazi persecution by obtaining for him asylum in Britain. In Africa he refused to stay in a hotel which had a colour bar and wouldn’t allow in a Black friend he was with. He could also speak fluent Urdu. Powell was motivated to make his speech by letters he had received from his constituents, one of whom could not be found later. I’ve heard that Powell started out by believing that Britain had a duty to look after its subordinate peoples and that he had been a member of organisations dedicated to helping non-White immigrants settle in the UK. According to this account, it was indeed his constituents’ letters that caused him to reverse his opinion on this matter. When checked, these incidents hadn’t occurred. I was told that they were largely the fantasies of a deranged old woman, who was actually supported by the Black family that lived next door. On the other hand, his speaking Urdu doesn’t necessarily mean he wasn’t racist. Powell had been a civil servant in India, and they received more money if they had an Indian language. Regardless of these arguments, what shocked people was the virulent tone. Powell was sacked from the Tory government by Ted Heath, and became the target of a campaign of vilification and intimidation. His house had swastikas scrawled on it, and crowds chanted ‘Disembowel Enoch Powel at him. The book also discusses the rise of the anti-Islam politicians Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders. Fortuyn was a gay, Marxist sociology lecturer, who turned against Islam because of its vicious intolerance to homosexuality. And both he and Wilders have been subject to the same campaigns to silence and intimidate them as Powell. The book notes that Heath won the next election after Powell’s infamous speech, which he believes was responsible for it. But you could also say it was due to a number of factors which had nothing to do with it, or that Heath won precisely because he sacked Powell.
The Growth of Militant Islam
The book goes on to discuss the particular threat from parts of Islam, such as the murder of Theo van Gogh by a Moroccan immigrant angry at his polemical film, Fitna, and the Danish cartoons controversy. The Muslim who started the campaign against them was an asylum seeker, who’d been thrown out of a number of Arab countries. He‘d chosen to emigrate to Denmark as the Danes had treated his son for a serious health condition. The dossier of offensive cartoons with which he toured the Muslim world to inflame opinion against the Jyllands Aftenbladet, the local paper that had published them, included several that the paper had not published. The paper had taken the decision to publish drawings of the Prophet because the author of a respectful, mainstream book about him had been told that she couldn’t include any drawings of him, even though these were intended to be respectful. Since these events and the 7/7 bombings in London, we’ve had the Charlie Hebdo massacre, the murder of Thomas Patie in France for showing the Hebdo cartoons to his class, and a British teacher being forced into hiding for doing the same. British cinemas have also been forced to withdraw a film about the Prophet made from the Shi’a point of view following mass demonstrations of angry Muslims claiming that it was blasphemous. There has thus been considerable discussion of the threat of Islam, but the book argues that this is the only area where criticism of the multicultural consensus is possible. Radical secularists have been moved by these incidents to demand the removal of religion from the public square, but their targets are always Christianity. One such radical group staged an exhibition of blasphemous art in Dublin. This was all directed against and mocking Christianity. There was nothing about Islam, despite the fact that Christians weren’t assassinating people, doubtless for the good reason that the organisers and artists didn’t want to spend their life hiding under armed guard.
The book also criticises British education policy for creating division with some of its unworkable recommendations. This includes the 1970s Bullock report, which recommended that ethnic children should be encouraged to speak their own languages at school, and that teachers should be prepared to speak to West Indian children in Creole.
Politics Fracturing Along Racial Lines
Much of this legislation has been pushed through by the Labour party, who benefited from the support of ethnic minorities. Most of these support Labour as against a small proportion that vote Tory. This brings with it the possibility that British politics will fracture along racial lines. In the US, the Democrat party is an alliance of rich Whites with Blacks and other ethnic minorities, while the Republican party has garnered the White vote. Something like this could happen in Britain with the Labour dependent on ethnic votes while White Brits support the Tories. I’m not quite so sure this could happen, as the Tories are reaching out to ethnic minorities with their selection of Rishi Sunak as Prime Minister and various ethnic members of the cabinet. I think its because of this that some Tories seem to be turning to Tice’s Reform Party and Reclaim. A distinctly Muslim party, Respect, has also emerged following Lutfur Rahman’s removal from the Labour party for corruption. Rahman’s Bangladeshi, and the party is heavily supported by them. This was repeated last year when Rahman was again expelled from Labour to found the Aspire party, again largely confined to London Bangladeshi Muslims.
Universalism
The book also tackles the supporting attitudes and ideologies behind multiculturalism. This includes universalism, the idea that people are the same everywhere and that humanity has somehow outgrown the need for nation states and borders. This view demands the creation of supranational bodies like the EU and for the free movement of peoples across nations and continents. But this is very much a utopian vision. National borders and identities are still very much supported by the majority of people.
Britain Not a Nation of Immigrants
He also takes aim at the view that Britain is a nation of immigrants. In fact, the bulk of British genetic identity was formed in the late Palaeolithic and early Mesolithic. Subsequent waves of incomers have added very little since, not even the Neolithic settlers who brought farming to Britain. Nor have Romans, Anglo-Saxons and Normans substantially changed the British genome. This aboriginal genetic material is found in various proportions throughout the peoples of the UK. It’s highest in Cornwall and Ireland at 87 per cent and lowest in the English with 67 per cent. Besides this, the subsequent incomers -Romans, Saxons and Normans – were invaders, not immigrants. The historic immigrant communities to Britain were numerically tiny. The Huguenots, who are often cited as an example of mass immigration before the present day, numbered only 40.000 – 50,000 and their immigration to Britain following Louis XIV’s persecution was spread out over a century. This modern mass immigration is unprecedented in its scale.
He also contrasts the culturally separatist stance and hostility of parts of the immigrant community to White British culture with the Jewish community. When one of the first Jewish schools opened in London, it had the specific object of producing proud Jews, who were also proud Englishmen. And they wanted to be English, because the English were proud. Now multiculturalism has the aim of destroying that pride.
White Youth and Black Rap Culture
The book also claims that British culture is also being adversely affected through the worst aspects of Black youth culture. He talks about the numbers of Whites who have affected ‘Jafaican’ accents so they behave like Ali G. The rapper and DJ Tim Westwood, who comes from a very establishment family, is an example of this. He supports David Starkey’s claim that the White rioters in the 2012 riots were ‘culturally Black’. But it’s difficult to suggest there is a direct connection between Whites consuming Black rap music and fashion and rioting. Also, the study of the left-behind White community in Dagenham and Barking revealed that some Whites joined the riots as an expression of protest and despair against the government they felt had ignored them. This may have included individuals who were racist, and so had nothing to do with the influence of Black culture. Besides which, this study noted that some members of this left-behind community supported themselves through theft and other crimes as part of their way of life. These are the kind of people, who may well have joined the riot without any connection to, and in many ways opposed, to Black urban culture.
The Growth of Quangos to Enforce Multiculturalism
It is also concerned to shut down debate through a network of quango and regulatory bodies set up to implement it and convince the public that multiculturalism and diversity are very good things. There are 240 such organisations, all funded by the government. The only group opposed to mass immigration, Migration Watch, receives no official funding whatsoever.
The book ends with a number of recommendations for tackling the problem. These include an end to mass immigration; and only permitting immigrants with a certain amount of wealth to settle. Interestingly, after bashing the Labour throughout the book, it states that Labour’s working-class traditions might provide the solution to this problem as well.
Conclusion
It is clear that we really do need a proper debate about mass immigration. 80 per cent of the population are opposed to it, but they are ignored by the authorities. The treaties permitting it were drafted in an age when the world was still divided up between the great empires and travel between countries and continents was far more difficult than today. I don’t doubt that mass immigration is creating problems for Britain and the west, and think that West has a point when he compares the official attitude to multiculturalism with that of Communism in the former Soviet Union. There, if there were failures in the system, it was held to be due to not enough Communism. But people still acted as capitalists, despite the ideology. Similarly, when multiculturalism causes problems, it is not because of multiculturalism but because there is too little of it. More multiculturalism is needed.
But a clampdown on mass immigration raises awkward moral problems, particularly towards asylum seekers. Few moral people wish to deny sanctuary to the genuine victims of terrible persecution, quite apart from the accusations of racism that accompany any attempt to reduce immigration. This is no doubt one reasons why decent politicians don’t want to tackle the issue, nor do they wish to be seen to be giving ideological aid to the far right. A few weeks ago comic actor and game show host Asil Nadir presented a show intended to persuade the British public to accept more asylum seekers, who had ‘come from really horrible countries’. There are no programmes presenting the opposite view.
The book presents a convincing case that mass immigration is harming this country and that it very much needs tackling before the problems get significantly worse.